By David M. Schneider

Schneider perspectives kinship learn as a made from Western bias and demanding situations its use because the common degree of the research of social constitution

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Extra resources for A Critique of the Study of Kinship

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Since according to the first description members of the tabinau are a man and his sister, his son and daughter, his son's son and son's daughter, and so on up and down a patriline, then the fact that the tabinau is defined by its orientation to ancestors makes it a descent group. That members may be recruited by marriage (in-marrying wives) is irrelevant, for their membership is confirmed by the fact that when they die (if they are still married to a member of the tabinau) they become thagith of the tabinau into which they married, and not of the tabinau into which they were born.

But all of this is not a state of being, a simple matter of the attributes of common descent or consanguinity. It is instead a continuous process of doing; for it depends on magar, on the work of building the land, of being respectful, of doing one's duty, of being obedient, of caring for the elders. One cannot just sit and say, "This is my due because of what I a m " ; one must constantly do, work, pay respect, exact the obedience, and so on. Although genung (including citiningen-fak) and wolagen are egalitarian relations of sharing and cooperation, all other relations in Yapese culture are hierarchical and are relations of contingent exchange.

It is runguy that makes a citamangen care for his fak, that holds together those who are hierarchically related. It is the quality that infuses exchange in that it is the motivating feature of the gift. Genung, citiningen- 34 A Critique of the Study of Kinship fak, wolagen of the same citiningen do not have runguy. If one comes to another and begs, saying "Ah gafago" ( " I am destitute") then the other should have runguy, and help the destitute person, who will then be subordinated and owe an eventual return.

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